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No Is Not Enough : Resisting Trump's Shock Politics and Winning the World We Need, by Naomi Klein

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Détails sur le produit

Broché: 288 pages

Editeur : Allen Lane; Édition : 01 (10 juin 2017)

Langue : Anglais

ISBN-10: 0241320887

ISBN-13: 978-0241320884

Dimensions du produit:

14,3 x 2 x 21 cm

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This is a brilliant book, and absolutely worth reading. Klein has a knack for synthesizing and pushing beyond most left analysis of a particular conjuncture, and making connections that others have missed. I especially loved her demolition of the manufactured "economics versus identity politics" debate in Chapter 5, which has confused too many people who should know better. I also strongly disagree with the reader who argues that Klein over-emphasizes Trump's merely crass economic motivations, and downplays the graver threat of authoritarianism/fascism he represents. To the contrary, as Klein shows, Trump's deportations, travel bans, and incitement of hatred provide cover for his upward economic redistribution. Klein's analysis of Trump as a cultural phenomenon, in the context of late capitalist media culture, also offers essential insights into how he has built a mass base.More importantly, while it is tempting to focus on Trump's individual persona, Klein asks us to see Trump as a product of larger social forces. As Klein shows, Trump is a logical outcome of interlocking systems of power that give the rich, whites, and men impunity over other humans (and non-human species). We cannot effectively resist Trump's nakedly plutocratic, racist, sexist, and ecocidal agenda unless we understand where it came from, and have a coherent vision of a better world. While this is obviously a short treatise, it does those things very well. Bravo, Ms. Klein.

Naomi Klein’s favorite section in NO IS NOT ENOUGH (NINE) is probably “The Leap Manifesto”. This is a document recently produced by Canadian progressives that attempts to describe a politics that is based on values, not policies. In boldface, this document offers such ideas as:o There is no longer an excuse for building new infrastructure projects that lock us into increased extraction decades into the future.o We call for an end to all trade deals that interfere with our attempts to rebuild local economies, regulate corporations, and stop damaging extractive projects.o We declare that “austerity”, which has systematically attacked low-carbon sectors like education and healthcare, while starving public transit… is a fossilized form of thinking that has become a threat to life of earth. o Financial transaction taxes. Increased resource royalties. Higher income taxes on corporations and wealthy people. A progressive carbon tax… All of these are based on a simple “polluter pays” principle…Klein, needless to say, is a big Bernie Sanders supporter. And this short book—the final 40% is a list of sources that corroborates her text—does connect the dots. Starting with Trump’s use of the Presidency as a branding opportunity nonpareil, Klein builds an indictment of America’s “hard-core” conservatives who, when they “…deny climate change, are not just protecting the trillions in wealth that are threatened by climate action. They are also defending something even more precious to them: An entire ideological project—neoliberalism—which holds that the market is always right, regulation is always wrong, private is good, public is bad, and taxes that support public services are the worst of all.”In her best-seller THE SHOCK DOCTRINE, Klein argues that the followers of the Milton Friedman, the conservative Chicago-School economist, exploited violence and cathartic political change to implement radical economic policies that, to say the least, are not universally successful. (Here, her case-in-point is Chile after Pinochet's brutal coup.) With this as her starting point, it’s not surprising to hear Klein argue that the chaos, crudeness, and disarray of the Trump Administration are deliberate, with Trump “…systematically using the public’s disorientation… to push through radical pro-corporate measures…”I read “No Is Not Enough: Resisting Trump’s Shock Politics and Winning the World We Need” while waiting with scores of other prospective jurors at 111 Centre Street, where the New York Supreme Court operates. For this hiatus, Klein’s book was about right, since its content is familiar to this left-leaning news junky. Even so, NINE does read like a first-draft of history, albeit suffused with indignation.Rounded up.

This book proposes principles for progressive activists to follow as life gets increasingly more precarious in this country under the leadership of the bizarre reactionary demagogue, Mr. Trump. As economic inequality continues its inexorable rise, our pretensions to having a government based on the will of the people seem particularly ridiculous. Trump won the 2016 election, despite losing the popular vote, with the support of about a quarter of the electorate. Hillary Clinton also won roughly 25 percent of eligible voters. Klein notes that far more eligible voters chose not to cast a ballot at all rather than vote for either candidate--she cites the voter non-participation percentage as being 40 percent. Wasn’t it closer to half? In any case, Klein sees no answer to Trump in the politics of establishment Democrats. Politicians like Hillary Clinton offer no challenge to the oligarchy that controls us. According to Klein, Trump is a symptom of the further worsening of conditions under the neoliberal economic policies implemented in recent decades by both Republicans and Democrats. The Democrats have offered no real answers to the problems of economic malaise so many people have turned to Trump, as preposterous as he is. Mrs. Clinton, Klein notes, saw a 15 to 20 percent less turnout of Democratic voters in states like Ohio, Iowa and Wisconsin during the 2016 election compared to what Obama received in 2012. This weak turnout obviously helped Trump.This book does not merely survey the current political situation but also suggests principles upon which leftists might act. One of the book's arguments is that racism, war, climate change, ecosystem destruction, economic inequality, labor rights and other such problems are intimately related. Social movements will not make much progress against an individual social or economic problem until they recognize that all social and economic problems have roots in neoliberal capitalism. Social movements need to focus on the elimination of all the destructive manifestations of neoliberal capitalism rather than focusing on just one or two.There is much activism related discussion in the book but also no shortage of analyses of some of the peculiar operating characteristics of Mr. Trump and his family. One such characteristic is the very high level of conflict of interest on display between the executive branch duties of Mr. Trump and his daughter Ivanka and the fact that they are still profiting from the private sector businesses whose day to day management they have placed in trusts run by family members. The author discusses how she believes the Trumps are engaging in the unprecedented blatant behavior of using their government privileges to enrich themselves while serving in government.As a politician, as a person in general, Trump is a conman. Contrary to his pledges, Klein notes that Trump will not succeed in bringing back any large number of manufacturing jobs. She mentions that he broke his promise to ensure that steel made by American workers would be used to construct the Keystone XL pipeline. She also mentions that while campaigning for president, he accused Ted Cruz and Hillary Clinton of being controlled by Goldman Sachs, but has since proceeded to appoint six of that financial institution’s alumni to key positions in his administration.Trump is also a fraud as far as his professed concern for lost American jobs. Klein observes that Trump has heavily outsourced production of his products throughout his business career. She notes that news reports have described the brutal conditions under which Trump’s ties and Ivanka’s clothing line have been produced in Chinese factories. She also mentions a VOX report about terrible living conditions among migrant workers employed to construct a Trump golf course in Dubai. These migrant workers lived in extremely cramped, rat infested rooms.Meanwhile Trump made a great show of signing—for his first executive order--the repeal of American involvement in the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP). However Klein notes that a leaked document, cited by Public Citizen’s Global Trade Watch, indicates that the Trump administration has plans to incorporate some of the worst aspects of the TPP into a reformed NAFTA agreement. These aspects include the creation of unelected WTO style tribunals where businesses can seek the override of domestic legislation that might slightly threaten their profits. To summarize, it appears Trump and his associates envision making NAFTA even more destructive for ordinary people than it already has been, Mexicans included. Klein cites a 2017 study by the Center for Economic and Policy Research which states that an additional 20 million Mexicans have fallen into poverty since NAFTA was implemented in 1994.Such NAFTA inspired poverty increases in Mexico have played a big role in the surge in illegal immigration about which Trump has engaged in so much demagoguery.. Klein notes how Trump's scapegoating of "the other"--Muslims, Mexicans ,etc.--is a traditional tactic used by politicians to advance the domination of the rich and powerful. She notes that Trump has experience in scapegoating people of color going all the way back to 1989. In that year, Trump placed full page pro-death penalty ads in major New York newspapers to stir up hysteria about the Central Park Five, a group of Latino and Black youths who were convicted of raping a white woman in Central Park. The five were later exonerated by DNA evidence and their sentences eliminated but Trump has refused to admit their innocence.I think the best chapter in the book deals with the resistance of the Standing Rock Sioux and their non-indigenous supporters in opposition to the Dakota Access pipeline. Peaceful resistance by these people was met by massive violence on the part of police and private security thugs. Obama scuttled the pipeline’s permit in December 2016 but Trump has brought it back. The Standing Rock Sioux argue that the pipeline is a great risk to destroy their sacred sites and runs directly under their water reservoir at Lake Oahe, thus threatening their water supply. The pipeline was originally scheduled to pass by the majority white town of Bismarck North Dakota but local fears of potential damage to that city’s water supply scuttled the project. So the pipeline route was moved under Lake Oahe instead. Klein sees the Standing Rock Sioux led resistance to the pipeline as an exemplary social movement, once which seeks to model in their resistance an alternative society of living cooperatively with the earth and with each other.In order to encourage social movements to focus on fighting not just one or two injustices but all the social and economic ills created by modern capitalism, Klein—with other progressive Canadian activists-- participated during 2015 in the creation of the Leap Manifesto. She discusses the various proposals of this manifesto (the full text of which is in the book’s one appendix). One notable such proposal is to give indigenous people and communities of color the first opportunity to operate renewable energy co-ops. Allowing these historically oppressed people to be first in line to operate democratically and profit from renewable energy is envisioned as a form of reparations. Klein has been inspired by the operation of renewable energy co-ops in Denmark and Germany. She writes that Germany gets 30 percent of its energy from renewables and is by a significant margin the most successful economy in Europe.Klein and her colleagues are hopeful that their manifesto can serve as a model for progressive political demands in Canada and throughout the world. She lists some of the uses to which the Leap manifesto has been put so far; for example a resolution was passed endorsing its spirit at the 2016 New Democratic Party national convention and it served as a model platform for Cheri Honkala’s recent Pennsylvania state representative campaign.Klein views Trump and his associates as utilizing elements of what she has called the Shock Doctrine, in order to roll back the rights of ordinary people and further increase the power of economic elites. Ruling elites all over the world have historically tried to use economic and political instability or natural disasters—when their populations were in “shock—to quickly push through unpopular extreme pro-business, pro-wealthy measures. Klein mentions some recent examples of the shock doctrine (or shock therapy has others have called it.) There was Paul Bremer rapidly instituting neoliberalism during his time as America’s Iraq proconsul. Then there was Hurricane Katrina, whose severity was amplified in part, Klein observes, because the degradation of the levees supposedly protecting New Orleans was ignored by the Army Corp of Engineers. Reactionary politicians, led by Mike Pence, seized the opportunity to impose right wing policies on New Orleans. Charter school operators flooded into the city; according to Klein, public housing with little damage was demolished in order to make way for new condos and town-homes for the wealthy.The author spends some space writing about Trump and the phenomenon in corporate culture of “branding.” Trump has used branding techniques to advance his wealth in the private sector which in turn laid the basis for the launch of his political brand. Klein cautions though that while progressives might criticize Trump’s brand they also ought to be cognizant of the branding of progressive politicians such as Obama or Justin Trudeau, the tar sands enthusiast.A la, Howard Zinn, Klein refers to moments of crisis in the past when instead of the shock doctrine imposed by elites, progressive social movements have been able to seize the moment from those elites and successfully pressure governments to implement restrains on corporate power and implement civil rights, labor rights, environmental protections, etc.Finally, I will note that the author has a few interesting things to say about the oil industry and the relationship between climate change and refugees. She notes Exxon (before it was Exxon-Mobil), through its own scientists decades earlier, has always known about the reality of global warming but chose to suppress its own research in favor of spreading global warming denialism through its funding of think tanks and other such venues.The book is well written. There is a notes section at the end of the book listing sources by chapter.

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